Dr. Campanella wrote a piece for da paper today on “moonlight towers”, the big structures erected in urban centers in the late 1800s, as a first step in providing electric street lighting. When Susan Granger shared it to our New Orleans group on Facebook, Froggy added a link to some photos in the Commons, showing moonlight towers.
Moonlight Towers lit up Canal
Henry Clay Monument, New Orleans, 1892
This photo of the Clay Monument is from 1892. The moonlight tower is visible in the rear. If the size of statues is any indication, Henry Clay was incredibly popular in antebellum New Orleans. The massive monument to him, located on Canal Street, at the intersection of Royal Street and St. Charles Avenue, remained in place until it was moved to Lafayette Square, in 1901.
Cotton wagon crossing Canal Street, 1890
A big cotton wagon crosses Canal Street at Carondelet Avenue, in 1890. Better view of the moonlight tower. The cupola of the Mercier Building, later Maison Blanche Department Store, is visible in the background, through an electric pole’s cross beams.
Cut down to size
Henry Clay Monument, 1895-1897
Here’s Clay again, sometime after the Canal streetcar line was electrified, and the statue was relocated. You can see the base of the monument has been removed, so tracks would run straight through the intersection. Even then, the cars passed too close to the statue.
Location of the tower on Canal
The tower on Canal Street was positioned at Canal and Dauphine, It cast its light in a 360-degree radius, extending for blocks around. This meant it illuminated the street as far back as Basin Street and the Southern Railway terminal. Even though electric lighting evolved from this format into storefront lighting and individual street lamps, most stores closed around 5pm-6pm in the evening at this time. Night hours were still decades away.
Jerome Smith was a young civil rights activist and Freedom Rider in 1963. Arthur Schlesinger, in his book on RFK, recalls that CORE described Smith as a young man beaten more than any other CORE worker at the time.
Jerome Smith stood up to RFK
It was no surprise to anyone that Smith had no kind words for Bobby or his brother:
“Mr. Attorney General, you make me want to puke. I don’t care what you think, and I don’t care what your brother thinks either.”
Smith was a man of the streets, not academia, or the entertainment world. He’d been in the streets, on the buses, working to register voters and advocate the cause. In the 1963 meeting Jarvis DeBerry mentions in his article about the film, “I Am Not Your Negro”, he was arguably the wokest person in the room.
I haven’t seen the movie yet, but having seen “Hidden Lines” last weekend, it’s time I did. The movie is about Baldwin, so it’s not surprising that some things get left on the cutting room floor. Unfortunately, that’s what happened to Jerome Smith (assuming they shot his remarks at all. Jarvis explains it:
Because that section of the documentary focuses on Baldwin’s friendship with the playwright Lorraine Hansberry and her premature death at 34, it is Hansberry’s disgusted response to Kennedy’s hemming and hawing that is given attention. But Hansberry’s decision to snub Kennedy by standing up, bidding him goodbye and exiting the room wasn’t the most demonstrable display of disgust. The most disgusted response, which isn’t in the documentary, came from New Orleans’ own Jerome Smith.
So, it’s no deep conspiracy that the woke young man got left out of the documentary. He just got overshadowed. I learned something new today, that Smith was from New Orleans. I’d not read Schlesinger’s book (it came out in 1978) when I was teaching American History in the early 1980s. I certainly would have highlighted this encounter, if for no other reason, because Smith was a local guy.
Now I want to go back to the classroom. Gotta win dat powerball.
(cross-posted to YatPundit)
A New Orleans Monorail just like Disney
Concept sketches of a monorail system for New Orleans, 1960
I came across the New Orleans Monorail Project back in 2004, when I was doing research for my Canal Streetcar book. The concept was to connect the Central Business District with Moisant International Airport (MSY – now Louis Armstrong New Orleans International Airport). When Walt Disney debuted the Disneyland Monorail System in 1959, a number of cities investigated the feasibility of monorails in their backyards. The difference between fantasy and reality set in quickly, however, as studies showed the difficulty of building overhead rail in established neighborhoods. Disney didn’t have to contend with the numerous complications of urban mass transit. All Walt had to do was draw lines on a blueprint, and his people made magic.
City Hall Studies the idea
The monorail project never became reality, although City Hall commissioned a study, by a consulting engineer, Col. S. H. Bingham (ret), of New York. Like ambitious projects of this sort, no doubt the politicians weighed the obstacles and cost and decided it wasn’t feasible. In the long run, though, this was the sort of project that should have been taken on. Like the Louisiana Superdome project, ten years or so later, there are big payoffs. The Dome was paid off by the city’s hotel-motel tax. Had the mayor and council chosen, they could have found a way to finance a monorail that would likely still be in operation today.
Streetcars to the Airport
NORTA 2011, a Von Dullen streetcar, operating on Canal Street in Mid City
So, the city never connected the CBD and the airport via overhead rail. That didn’t stop the dreamers. When the Earhart Expressway was constructed, one of the plans was to continue the road further west. The existing expressway comes to an end at Hickory Street in Harahan. There were plans laid out to keep going, all the way to the airport. When the New Orleans Regional Transit Authority (NORTA) re-constructed the Canal streetcar line in 2003-2004, the notion of streetcars to the airport came up. Elmer Von Dullen, then-manager of NORTA’s Rail Department, designed the 2000-series streetcars used on Canal with a maximum speed of over 40mph. You’ll never see a streetcar on Canal go that fast! The idea was that the 2000-series would be able to handle the challenge of going out to the airport.
Alas, that project also never came to pass. Those of us who go to MSY regularly can still dream.
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Maunsel White, Irishman, planter, and veteran of the Battle of New Orleans, is the subject of our first pod of 2017.
Beyond Bourbon Street by Mark Bologna
Guest Starring on Podcasts!
Our first pod for 2017! We’re behind a bit, because @NOLAHistoryGuy started out the year doing a guest segment on another podcast. It was fun to sit and chat with Mark Bologna of Beyond Bourbon Street about the Battle of New Orleans. Mark is @BeyondBourbonST on Twitter – note the “ST” for “Street” in Mark’s Twitter handle and website.
After attending a wonderful talk by Mr. Winston Hu of the University of New Orleans Department of History (my old stomping ground as an undergrad) on the history of Chinese people in New Orleans, I went out to Cypress Grove Cemetery to photograph the “Chinese Tomb” that Hu discussed.
(editor’s note: Let’s be honest here, walking through Cypress Grove isn’t a huge sacrifice for me, since I park on Canal Street by the cemetery, then walk over to Banks Street, to go to Wakin’ Bakin’ for breakfast, coffee, and writing time.)
Maunsel White, 1851
Maunsel White and Cemetery Exploration
White family tomb in Cypress Grove Cemetery, on Canal Street
As I walked through Cypress Grove, I came across a mausoleum with “Maunsel White” carved in the top. There was a small bronze plaque at the base of the mausoleum, indicating that the senior White was a veteran of the War of 1812. I remembered the name, that he was one of Jackson’s officers on 8-Jan-1815. I shot a bunch of photos, then made a note to do an article on him for my cemetery website. Then I looked him up, and realized he was part of the bigger story of the Battle of New Orleans. Not to steal the thunder from what Mark and I chatted about on his pod, I decided that talking about White would be a good complementary discussion.
Plaque on Maunsel White’s tomb
So, have a listen to White, and his involvement in the days following the Battle of New Orleans. Be sure to add Beyond Bourbon Street’s pod to your playlist, and recommend it to your friends.
Beyond Bourbon Street and the Battle of New Orleans
Catch us on the latest ep of Mark Bologna’s “Beyond Bourbon Street” podcast this week. We had a great time talking about the Battle of New Orleans, out at The Original Fiorella’s Restaurant, in Gentilly.
Battle paintings from the 19th Century
When you go over to the show page, you’ll see Mark used the Edward Percy Moran painting of the battle as the page’s main image. It’s a fantastic depiction of a Napoleonic-era battle, but it’s got a few factual inaccuracies.
- The Highlanders at the Battle of New Orleans didn’t wear full dress on the battlefield. They’d been in the field for over two weeks, so they likely did not bring their kilts with them from the Royal Navy ships that transported them. They wore the grey, oilskin trousers they wore on campaign with Wellington in Spain.
- There was no epic, pitched battle along the rampart, like Moran shows. Jackson’s gunners raked the British line that advanced on his positions with grapeshot and chain. The battalions that came in range of those guns were all but obliterated before they got close.
So, why did Moran paint the battle this way? After the Summer of 1815, and the Hundred Days’ Campaign in Europe, painters across Europe romanticized the final battles of Napoleon’s reign as Emperor of the French. British painters focused on Wellington’s victory at Waterloo. It’s only logical to romanticize the biggest American victory of the war of 1812 in a similar manner.
The same thing happened with paintings of naval battles. Just as British artists made epic paintings of Lord Nelson’s victory at Trafalgar, American artists painted the naval victories of the United States Navy in a similar fashion.
Not that any of this talk of paintings lessens the importance of the American victory at New Orleans. As we discuss in the podcast, the implications for both North America and Europe were huge. Had the battle gone the other way, the maps of both continents may be totally different today. In fact, now I’ve got some ideas on alternate-history stories!
“The Battle of New Orleans at Chalmette” Painting by Jean Hyacinthe de Laclotte (1766 – 1829), a member of the Louisiana Militia who participated in the battle; painted by him after the victory based on his sketches made at the scene
Chalmette Battlefield – the Battle of New Orleans
Chalmette Battlefield, was where the main clash between the forces of the United States and Great Britain in the Battle of New Orleans took place. The land battle occurred on Jan. 8, 1815. That action didn’t end the campaign. In the aftermath of the battle, stories and myths surrounding it popped up. The real story, while not as colorful as the rumors, is still fascinating.
Naval Battle on Lake Borgne, War of 1812, by Thomas L. Hornbrook
Many think of the “Battle of New Orleans” as one confrontation in January 1815. It was actually a campaign that began in September, 1814, in Mobile Bay. Major General Andrew Jackson made the strategic decision to fall back from Mobile. So, he decided to defend the most important city on the Gulf Coast — New Orleans. The British advanced in his wake. The first engagement near New Orleans was on Dec. 14, 1814. It was the Battle of Lake Borgne. Sir Edward Pakenham arrived on the scene on Dec. 25. Pakenham ordered a reconnaissance-in-force for Dec. 28. This set the stage for the main engagement. Even on Jan. 8, the British advanced on the city from both sides of the river. This forced Jackson to set up defenses on the West Bank as well as Chalmette.
The Battle of New Orleans. January 1815. Copy of engraving by H. B. Hall after W. Momberger., ca. 1900 – 1982
The Royal Navy
The land battles of the New Orleans Campaign ended Jan. 8, 1815. It was a decisive victory for the American forces under the command of Jackson. That didn’t end the campaign, though. Vice Admiral Alexander Cochrane, in overall command of the British expedition, sent a squadron of four ships up the Mississippi River to attack Fort St. Philip. The fort (there was no “Fort Jackson” yet, across the river). Fort St. Phillip was the main point of defense on the river. It was located in what is now the East Bank of Plaquemines Parish.
The importance of Fort St. Phillip diminished over time, as the larger Fort Jackson was built and became the focal point of the defense of New Orleans in the Civil War. The Royal Navy ships bombarded Fort St. Phillip for 10 days. The fort’s defenders did not give up. The distance bombardment was unsuccessful, which meant the RN ships could not move further upriver. This was the last chance the British had: even though Jackson found success on the battlefield, warships anchored in the river across from the French Quarter could have compelled him to surrender the city.
Pirates and Rifles
Jean Lafitte (anonymous portrait)
There are many stories and legends surrounding the pirate Jean Lafitte at this time. Some attribute the failure of the Royal Navy to get upriver and assist the army to some sort of intervention by Lafitte and his crews. There’s no clear evidence to support this. Since Lafitte was not present at Chalmette, speculation continues. Lafitte’s influence on the outcome was significant. Lafitte provided two companies of skilled artillerymen to Jackson, one under the command of Dominique Youx.
Youx was one of Lafitte’s captains and a trusted subordinate. Jackson’s original concern, and his original plan for Lafitte’s men, was to place them at Fort St. John. Locals know this fort as “Spanish Fort”. It’s located where Bayou St. John meets Lake Pontchartrain. They were there to block any attempt by Cochrane to penetrate New Orleans from the north. It became clear that the British would advance from the east, via St. Bernard Parish. So, Jackson moved Lafitte’s men to Chalmette. Their expert handling of artillery batteries along the Rodriguez Canal redoubt made a major contribution to the British defeat.
Artillerymen carry the day
Lafitte’s crews made a much more significant contribution than the “Kentucky Riflemen” of legend. On Jan. 4 and 5, Jackson’s command at New Orleans was reinforced by a large contingent of men from Kentucky. Accounts place the size of that contingent at anywhere from 1,000 to 2,300 men. All accounts indicate that those men were poorly clothed and mostly unarmed. Fewer than 100 of them had their own weapons, so the overwhelming majority of these men had to be armed with whatever could be scraped together in the city.
When Jackson ran for president, the story of Kentuckians supporting New Orleans was embellished a great deal to make the general look more the hero. While the additional manpower along the redoubt certainly did not hurt, its impact was significantly less than the legend claims. The “Kentucky Riflemen” were no doubt good shots and could fire with accuracy from longer distances than their musket-bearing opponents, but there just weren’t enough of them. What caused the most carnage on Jan. 8 was artillery fire from the batteries along the redoubt. The American artillery fired volley after volley of “grapeshot,” turning the cannons into massive shotguns. All those smaller balls and pieces of lead cut down the British officers.
The British didn’t “run”
Jackson kept his army in the field for two weeks after the carnage on Chalmette Battlefield. After the deaths of Major Generals Pakenham and Gibbs on the field at Chalmette, as well as Lt. Colonel Dane of the 93rd and a significant number of other field-grade officers, the command-and-control of the British force was destroyed. With no orders to either advance or retreat, soldiers withdrew from the rain of death coming from the American batteries, but then froze in place. By the time Major General Lambert arrived and assumed command, it was too late. The British had already suffered horrific casualties, and lacked officers to turn the commander’s orders into specific tactical instructions at the company level. All Lambert could do is order a withdrawal from Chalmette. He then pinned his hopes on the Royal Navy.
Map of the British Advance on New Orleans, December, 1814 (USMA)
Victory for Jackson
When it became clear that the naval attack would not give the British the city, Lambert sent a messenger to Jackson on Jan. 18, suggesting an exchange of prisoners. Jackson agreed, and the British began a full retreat. Jackson was not in a position to pursue Lambert and the British survivors. Most of his “army” consisted of volunteers capable of holding a defensive position, but not acting as an attacking force.
Jackson did send a squadron of cavalry to harry the British, “encouraging” them to continue their retreat. Jackson finally allowed the rest of his force to return to the city on Jan. 21, arriving to a hero’s welcome on the Jan. 23. The last of the British force made it back to their ships by Jan. 27, 1815, marking the end of the New Orleans Campaign.
On the way out, Cochrane and Lambert made one last attempt at establishing a British foothold on the Gulf Coast. On Feb. 12, 1815, the British captured Fort Bowyer, on Mobile Bay. Word of the Treaty of Ghent came to them as they prepared an attack on the city of Mobile, so they packed up and sailed for Britain.
Changing the Course of History
There are several big takeaways from the Battle of New Orleans. The biggest is that the American victory brought the War of 1812 to a clear conclusion. Had the British captured New Orleans, they might not have acknowledged the end of the war. New Orleans was the second-largest city in the United States, and control of the Mississippi River was essential to the nation’s security and growth.
A British occupation of New Orleans may still have only been temporary, but it could have forced a reopening of treaty negotiations. The British never recognized Napoleon Bonaparte as a legitimate ruler, so they might have challenged the validity of the entire Louisiana Purchase. Certainly the culture of New Orleans as a community would have changed dramatically, under the control of a British occupation force.
Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington at Waterloo. Major General Sir Edward Pakenham was Wellington’s brother-in-law
A second important outcome of the Battle of New Orleans was its impact on the Battle of Waterloo. The British have heralded the victory at Waterloo for almost 200 years now, but it’s important to remember that, at the time, Wellington characterized the battle as “a near-run thing.” An occupation of New Orleans and possible British expansion into the territory of the Louisiana Purchase would have stretched the British Army incredibly thin. Further speculation is the stuff of “alternative history” novels, but certainly things in Europe might have been quite different had the British not been sent home from New Orleans in defeat.
President Andrew Jackson
Jackson Statue, from King’s Hand-book of the United States planned and edited by M. King. Text by M. F. Sweetser
The single individual to benefit most from the New Orleans Campaign was Andrew Jackson. The victory on Jan. 8 made Jackson not only a hero in New Orleans, but a national figure.
He became Military Governor of Florida in 1821. Jackson led battles against the Seminole tribe. Success in the Seminole War returned him to the U.S. Senate in 1823. He ran for president in 1824. After losing an acrimonious campaign to Adams that year, he ran again, four years later. Jackson won, becoming the nation’s seventh president. In New Orleans, the Place d’Armes in front of St. Louis Cathedral was renamed “Jackson Square” in 1851. An equestrian statue of Jackson was commissioned and erected in the square five years later.
Chalmette National Battlefield (NPS photo)
The final big takeaway of the Battle of New Orleans was its impact on tourism. The land that is Chalmette Battlefield, near the Rodriguez Canal, was considered hallowed ground by many in the city, and the State of Louisiana purchased this land in 1855. Plans began to construct a monument on the battlefield, which was finally completed in 1908. The state turned the battlefield over to the federal government in 1930.
Up to the start of the Civil War, Jan. 8 was considered a major day of celebration in New Orleans, and many would make the trek down to Chalmette to visit the battlefield. The Union Army sectioned off a portion of the “British side” of the battlefield property to make a military cemetery for both Union and Confederate troops in 1864. The cemetery, along with the battlefield, passed to the National Park Service in 1933.
NPS maintains the Chalmette National Battlefield as part of Jean Lafitte National Historical Park and Preserve. It is open year-round. Early January is a busy time at the battlefield. Volunteers gather to present “living history” demonstrations, include a re-enactment of the 8-January-1815 battle. Events for 2017 are from January 4-8. This is typical for the annual commemoration of the battle.
Visiting the Battlefield
If you’re coming to New Orleans this year, consider a trip down to the battlefield as part of your plans. It’s a short drive from downtown along St. Claude Avenue and the St. Bernard Highway. The Steamboat Natchez goes past the battlefield as part of its daily tours on the Mississippi, and the Paddlewheeler Creole Queen actually docks at Chalmette, allowing you time to explore the battlefield.
While it’s a lot of fun to get down to the battlefield, many folks don’t have time. Be sure to check out the exhibits at The Cabildo, one of the Louisiana State Museum’s properties. Located next to St. Louis Cathedral at Jackson Square, the Cabildo features a number of BNO-related items. Additionally, take a look at tours, lectures and other events sponsored by the Friends of the Cabildo.